segunda-feira, 13 de maio de 2019

How To Shatter The Maternal Wall In The Workplace

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  • For working women striving for career progression, one facet of their pathway can have huge implications for the remainder of their career: motherhood. Women who are considering starting a family or are already in the process typically have different experiences than their male counterparts. Motherhood has become more demanding, according to one study. The research suggests that the expectations to breastfeed, the rising cost of childcare and the higher expectations to spend time with children contribute to this finding and for women with college degrees, there is a greater mismatch between expectations of motherhood and reality. For women who have children, there was a notable decline in their employment following the birth of their first child. An interesting finding of the aforementioned research is that the break in employment was unplanned for many of the women surveyed. Men who were surveyed had similar views of parenting and starting a family bef ore and after having children. One possible explanation for this finding is societal gender norms and the expectation that women should take care of the majority of the child care responsibilities. Women make up nearly half of the U.S. labor force, according to the Department of Labor statistics. According to research, in 40% of households with children under 18, working mothers are the primary breadwinners of the home. Data also reveals that 64% of mothers who have children under the age of 6 are either employed or seeking employment. Given these statistics, it should be of primary importance for companies to figure out how to better accommodate working moms, who make up such a vast portion of the workforce. How can organizations create a culture of inclusion to both attract and retain working mothers?

    1. Overcoming stereotypes. One survey found that one-third of Americans and 22% of working mothers felt that it was not ideal for a mother with young children to be employed. Biases regarding women's capabilities and assumed responsibilities, as well as societal norms, all impact how mothers are treated after having a child. Reprogramming employees to reevaluate their ways of thinking can spark change and more acceptance and understanding. Inclusion and bias training should address these biases and the many ways they can manifest and impact decision-making in the workplace.

    2. Inclusive policies. Non-inclusive policies and procedures will not only deter mothers from applying or staying at a company, but in many cases discriminating against mothers, or expectant mothers, is illegal. Family responsibilities discrimination is defined as "discrimination in the workplace based on an employee's responsibility…to care for family members." It is also illegal to discriminate against an employee or job applicant because of their pregnancy or a condition related to pregnancy or childbirth. Reassess workplace policies and procedures to ensure that they are inclusive to pregnant individuals as well as mothers. Creating inclusive policies will not only help the organization to retain talented employees but will also draw in talent and give the company a competitive advantage. Companies like Facebook and Johnson & Johnson are well known for their exceptional parental leave policies.

    3. Increased flexibility. New parents may desire more flexibility in their roles to account for their schedules or childcare responsibilities. Allowing employees to work from home more or to have a modified work schedule, a four-day work week for example, may be ideal for the employee and can also benefit the organization. Research indicates that a four-day work week made employees more productive. Job crafting, which allows employees to mold their jobs to suit their background and interests, may also be an effective way to overcome the maternal wall. Job crafting was found to increase job satisfaction and may be a great option for working mothers.

    domingo, 12 de maio de 2019

    A group raised over $20 million to 'build the wall.' Now its supporters want answers.

  • FILE - In this Jan. 9, 2019 file photo, construction crews install new border wall sections seen from Tijuana, Mexico. 

    FILE - In this Jan. 9, 2019 file photo, construction crews install new border wall sections seen from Tijuana, Mexico. 

    Photo: Gregory Bull / Associated Press
  • Photo: Gregory Bull / Associated Press

    Image 1 of 29

    FILE - In this Jan. 9, 2019 file photo, construction crews install new border wall sections seen from Tijuana, Mexico. 

    FILE - In this Jan. 9, 2019 file photo, construction crews install new border wall sections seen from Tijuana, Mexico. 

    Photo: Gregory Bull / Associated Press

    A group raised over $20 million to 'build the wall.' Now its supporters want answers.

    1  /  29

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    A December fundraising campaign brought in more than $20 million over the course of a few weeks, its thousands of donors united by a common goal: the construction of a wall along the U.S.-Mexico border, oft-promised by President Donald Trump.

    Some four months later, a contingent of those supporters is ready to see what their money has built.

    The now-famous border wall GoFundMe was conceived by Purple Heart recipient Brian Kolfage, who wrote at the time he was upset by "too many illegals . . . taking advantage of the United States taxpayers," and the "political games from both parties" when it came to border security. Kolfage, a triple amputee, pressed onward despite falling short of his $1 billion goal - launching a nonprofit to build portions of the wall on private land for a "fraction of what it costs the government."

    While the majority of donors continue to believe in Kolfage's efforts, the nonprofit's clandestine operations and assurances of progress are insufficient for others. Some have taken to social media, seeking photos, videos - anything - for evidence they aren't being misled.

    "I am very disappointed in you Brian Kolfage, where are the progress photographs?" one woman posted to the We Build The Wall Facebook page.

    "Quit talking about it and do it," another commented.

    "I've been away for FIVE months," one person tweeted in April. "When's the groundbreaking?"

    Reporting on the apparent lack of progress on the private wall, published early Friday by the Daily Beast, drew criticism from Kolfage. The veteran called out the story's author, Will Sommer, who indicated he's repeatedly asked Kolfage for proof they were close to a groundbreaking.

    "Omg this is PERFECT timing by the liberal rag news site. They are about to look more stupid than @hillaryclinton on election night 2016!" Kolfage wrote. "I guaranteed we would build the wall . . . and I'll leave it at that!"

    Kolfage did not respond to an email and message from The Washington Post requesting comment Friday. While the nonprofit has floated various groundbreaking dates in the past, it's not exactly clear when, or if, construction will begin.

    "We should be turning dirt on this thing by May 1, June 1 at the latest, according to our experts," Kolfage told Politico in February. In a March 21 interview with American Family Radio, however, the veteran asserted they were going to "start breaking ground" in April.

    In the interview, Kolfage said his nonprofit had identified eight locations to build along the border, but failed to name them, stating that his efforts could be thwarted by liberals if they were revealed.

    "I wish I could name where it's at, but we can't name it because of the ACLU, these other liberal groups who want to sue us and impede our progress," he said. "But it's actually happening, the process is happening . . . the project is moving forward."

    He continued, "But as soon as we start breaking ground, we'll be putting that information out there to show the American people what they're doing."

    Kolfage has previously indicated that We Build The Wall Inc. seeks to develop segments of the wall on private property, which he told The Washington Post in January would cost $2 million to $3 million per mile. His GoFundMe says he's visited the border to scope out potential sites and negotiate with private land owners. Kolfage has also enlisted the help of several high-profile politicians, among them former White House chief strategist Stephen Bannon and Kris Kobach, the former Secretary of State for Kansas, who sit on the group's advisory board.

    Back in January, Kobach told The New York Times they'd hopefully be breaking ground "within weeks."

    Some critics noted Kolfage was accused of shady behavior in the past, including allegations of misusing funds he raised. NBC and BuzzFeed investigations earlier this year alleged that Kolfage peddled false articles and conspiracy theories with the intent of harvesting reader email addresses. The purported scheme would draw people back to his websites and Facebook pages, generating hundreds of thousands in advertising revenue, Buzzfeed reported.

    Facebook removed several of the pages he operated last year, according to NBC, in a purge of pages that were used to "drive traffic to their websites." In response, Kolfage created a new campaign, "Fight4FreeSpeech," which also accepts donations.

    BuzzFeed looked into Kolfage's previous crowdfunding efforts, which included an initiative to mentor wounded veterans at military hospitals - among them Walter Reed and Brooke Army Medical Center. He raised thousands for the project, according to BuzzFeed, but spokespersons for the medical facilities told the outlet they have no record of him working at the hospitals or donating money.

    Asked about the story in January, Kolfage told The Post that BuzzFeed "100 percent lied" and had fabricated the investigation to slander him. He said the money was raised to cover his travel expenses, and that he only used them for that purpose.

    On Friday, many supporters of Kolfage called the Daily Beast story fake news intended to stymie donations. We Build The Wall occasionally replied in agreement, reassuring commenters the wall was on its way.

    "This is what we call FAKE NEWS," they wrote in a post. "We didn't stop anything and we are full steam ahead. The wall is being built."

    As of Friday night, the group said they'll be breaking ground "shortly."

    In a separate comment, one woman indicated she'd heard enough.

    "Saying it doesn't get it done," she wrote late Friday. "Do it."

    'Wall of Wind': How blasting +150-mph wind helps to build better homes before a hurricane

    The "Wall of Wind" is the world's only machine that can create Category 5 hurricane force winds in a research environment. The FIU Engineering School constantly gets requests from both national and international companies and organizations requesting testing for various building materials. Those materials come to South Florida to be put to the test.

    Published: 6:25 PM EDT May 7, 2019

    Updated: 11:19 PM EDT May 7, 2019

    sexta-feira, 10 de maio de 2019

    How to Make a Lightweight Portable Wall

    Build a portable wall any height you need.

    Build a portable wall any height you need.

    There are times when you might need to separate or divide a room for an office or privacy -- but you can't just build a wall anytime you need one. However, you can make an affordable, lightweight portable wall to use whenever you want. When you don't need it, tuck it back against an existing wall.

    Wall Anatomy

    Typical wall construction consists of 2-by-4 studs with drywall on both sides. Get the same effect using hardwood and 1/4-inch plywood. Even an 8-foot wall can be picked up and easily moved when it's nothing more than lightweight plywood surrounded by a frame. Use hardwoods, finish it before assembly, and it imparts the look of fine woodworking to the room. Go with a cheaper alternative and install 1/4-inch paneling inside a fir or poplar frame, or paint everything white to match existing walls. Add wallpaper or wainscoting to dress it up if desired.

    Framed and Surrounded

    Start by assembling a frame. Make it with 3/4-by-4-inch-wide lumber of your choice. Measure and cut four pieces in the sizes needed. Don't make it too big; allow for at least 3/4 inch or more clearance around the perimeter between existing walls so it won't bind or get caught when you move it. Install a 1/4-inch dado blade on a table saw and cut a 1/2-inch-deep channel centered along the length of each piece. Cut 1/4-inch plywood in the sizes needed with a table saw. Attach the frame pieces around the plywood by inserting the sides, top and bottom edges of the plywood into the channel. Don't add glue: Natural expansion and contraction can cause the plywood to split or crack. Screw the frame together around the plywood. Since plywood sheets are only 48 inches wide, butt two of them together if needed, and screw one piece of 4-inch-wide hardwood together on both sides, sandwiching the joint between them.

    Footloose

    Some type of support is necessary if you're not attaching the portable wall to the ceiling or another vertical wall. Cut some 3/4-by-4-inch frame material 12 inches long for feet. Screw them perpendicular along the bottom for support. Two feet, placed 12 inches from each end, support the wall if it's 8-feet long, but depending on height and length, add additional feet if needed. Dress up the feet by cutting tapers from the ends to the middle so the blunt edge of the foot doesn't catch on anything. Sand them smooth and the wall will slide easily on carpet or anything else. If the wall is semi-permanent, screw the feet to the floor and cap the screw holes with furniture buttons.

    Sections and Cubes

    Build several 48-inch-wide wall sections and hinge them together with piano hinge. This type of portable wall works like a room divider, bending as needed for angled walls or as an aesthetic design. Add some small cubes or shelves. Attach them to the sides of the frame or at the top. Build the shelves or cubes using 1/4-by-4-inch hardwood by cutting a slot halfway through two pieces and fitting the slots together for a joint. Cut 1/4-inch plywood and glue it to the back of the cubes or shelves; i's strong enough to support small items such as pictures, keepsakes or crafts.

    ]]> About the Author Wade Shaddy

    Specializing in hardwood furniture, trim carpentry, cabinets, home improvement and architectural millwork, Wade Shaddy has worked in homebuilding since 1972. Shaddy has also worked as a newspaper reporter and writer, and as a contributing writer for Bicycling Magazine. Shaddy began publishing in various magazines in 1992, and published a novel, "Dark Canyon," in 2008.

    Photo Credits
  • Jack Hollingsworth/Photodisc/Getty Images
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    Shaddy, Wade. "How to Make a Lightweight Portable Wall." Home Guides | SF Gate, http://homeguides.sfgate.com/make-lightweight-portable-wall-96166.html. Accessed 10 May 2019.

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    Arizona tribe refuses Trump’s wall, but agrees to let Border Patrol build virtual barrier

    Nation/World

    Verlon Jose, center, vice chairman of the Tohono O'odham Nation, talks with visitors to the East Gate of the border barrier, including two members of his tribe on the Mexican side of the fence on April 23, 2019. The Tophono O'odham reservation covers more than 2.8 million square miles, making it the third-largest Indian reservation in the United States and about the size of Connecticut. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times/TNS)

    TOHONO O'ODHAM NATION, Ariz. — Verlon Jose had long vowed President Donald Trump would build a wall along his tribe's 75-mile border with Mexico only "over my dead body."

    But late last month, the Tohono O'odham Nation's vice chairman stood at the border and praised a planned wall meant to deter migrants, smugglers — and, according to the tribe, federal agents — from disturbing its lands.

    The wall he described was not physical, but virtual: 10 towers up to 140 feet tall, with radar and night vision cameras capable of surveying over several miles and streaming footage around the clock to the Border Patrol.

    "The idea is to reduce the footprint of these guys running around, tearing up our land," Jose said of agents patrolling the reservation.

    The integrated fixed towers, or IFTs, as the Border Patrol calls them, were approved in March by a unanimous vote of the tribe's legislative council, many of them older tribal members.

    But some younger members oppose the towers, fearing that their elders had sacrificed hard-won sovereignty. "We're going to inherit this problem," said Amy Juan, 33.

    And they worry that instead of reducing the Border Patrol's presence, which has grown in their lifetimes, compromising on the virtual wall will lead to more surveillance and physical barriers.

    The agency has said as much. A spokesman said the Border Patrol has no plans to decrease the number of agents patrolling the reservation after the towers are built. He also said the towers do not eliminate the need for a border wall.

    But tribal leaders believe the towers could have that effect.

    "It is our hope the IFTs will decrease the flow of illegal trafficking and thus the need for such a large Border Patrol presence on the nation," said tribal Chairman Edward Manuel. He emphasized that his people remain firmly against a wall.

    Motor vehicles stop at a Border Patrol checkpoint on Arizona State Route 86 at the easrtern end of the Tohono O'odham Nation in Arizona on April 24, 2019. The sprawling and sparsely populated reservation covers more than 2.8 million square miles. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times/TNS)

    "The nation will never support a fortified wall on the border, which would divide our people, devastate the environment and destroy sacred sites, all while failing to halt the flow of migrants and smugglers," he said.

    The Tohono O'odham Nation reservation once stretched 350 miles from Phoenix to Hermosillo, Mexico. But Mexico never recognized the tribe's claims to land. The reservation the U.S. government created in 1917 now covers 2.8 million acres.

    Half of the tribe's 34,000 members live on the reservation, which has its own language, schools, police and a government comprising 11 legislative districts. Two are on the border where the towers will be built: Chukut Kuk to the east, Jose and Juan's ancestral home, and Gu Vo to the west.

    Border Patrol agents look for surveyors markers that show the future location of a surveillance tower in the sprawling Tohono O'odham Nation along the U.S.-Mexico border in Arizona on April 24, 2019. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times/TNS)

    A Border Patrol truck trains its sophisticated surveillance equipment along the U.S.-Mexico border in the sprawling Tohono O'odham Nation in Arizona on April 23, 2019. The remote reservation has long been a popular entryway for smugglers trafficking people and drugs into the U.S., and the Border Patrol hopes that a 'virtual wall ' of freestanding surveillance towers on the reservation can help stop the flow. (Luis Sinco/Los Angeles Times/TNS)

    The border here is an expansive basin between mountains the tribe considers sacred. To the east looms the 8,000-foot granite Baboquivari Peak — the name means "neck between two heads" in the Tohono O'odham language, and tribal members believe the mountain to be the spiritual home of their creator, l'itoi.

    It can take the nation's 87 tribal police several hours to respond to 911 calls — often related to drug and human smuggling — in remote border villages.

    "Some of these ranchers are getting broken into constantly," said tribal Police Chief Elton Begay.

    Tribal police spend more than half their time assisting federal agents and doing other border-related enforcement, Begay said, and the nation spends $3 million annually on border security.

    Hundreds of Border Patrol agents and a federally funded team of more than a dozen Native American smuggling trackers called Shadow Wolves patrol the border and reservation.

    Tribal leaders previously allowed the Border Patrol to install cameras, sensors and portable towers and to build two small, remote bases that it staffs around the clock. Other agents patrol from larger stations and checkpoints on the reservation's outskirts.

    Last month, Border Patrol agents hopped on motorbikes at the foot of the Baboquivari range to chase migrants before they climbed beyond reach. Smugglers have recently shifted to the remote mountain routes, said agency spokesman Dan Hernandez. Nearby trails through desert grasslands were littered with the remnants of campfires and migrants' black water jugs, the color intended to camouflage them in the brush. Later the same day, agents used a helicopter to track 16 migrants who had fanned out across a steep mountainside.

    The agency has tried for nearly a decade to install towers on the reservation so it can catch smugglers before they reach the mountains, said Hernandez. But residents protested and wrote to tribal leaders, worried the towers would disturb the land. Border Patrol contractors had previously disturbed human remains and damaged saguaro cacti, sacred to the Tohono O'odham.

    But the Border Patrol continued trying to sway the tribe.

    Two years ago, the agency released a study that said tower construction wouldn't cause archaeological, environmental or community harm. It held community forums and took tribal members on field trips to inspect smaller tower systems near the reservation. It decreased the number of proposed towers in Gu Vo district and redesigned the towers' bases so they didn't extend underground.

    Border Patrol officials also promised to improve rutted dirt roads leading to the towers and said they would consider adding hardware that would boost cellphone and police radio reception.

    During a visit to the border last week, Jose pointed out waist-high fencing. Instead of building tall, impenetrable barriers, as it has in other areas, Border Patrol compromised and erected a vehicle barrier that allows animals such as coyotes, jaguar and javelina hogs to migrate.

    The land at the border is part of a 60-foot-wide federal easement from the Pacific Ocean to the Rio Grande. Though the easement ensures access, the Border Patrol has negotiated with the Tohono O'odham Nation over road use and fencing.

    Jose described the newly approved towers, which would be north of the easement, as a similar compromise — placating the federal government in hopes it will not build a physical wall. "We're only as sovereign as the federal government will allow us to be," Jose said.

    As the Border Patrol presence on the reservation has grown over the years, tribal members have complained of harassment, including what they call unnecessary stops and questioning. Ranchers have to close gates and repair fences that agents cut. Roads erode after frequent Border Patrol use.

    Tribal leaders said decreasing agents' traffic on the reservation is one of the reasons they agreed to the towers. Jose said he wants agents to stick to the border. But tower critics are also concerned about surveillance.

    During a tour of one of the proposed tower sites last week, Hernandez said the agency does not plan to pull agents from the reservation once the fixed towers are built. Nor does Border Patrol plan to reduce the hidden cameras, sensors and truck-mounted temporary towers already on the reservation. And, he said, there's still the need for an enhanced border barrier.

    "The greatest camera in the world still makes zero arrests. It can't apprehend somebody," Hernandez said. "We still need some infrastructure there, the fence or barrier, to slow them down and the agents to make the apprehensions."

    Supervisory Border Patrol Agent Rafael Castillo, a former Tohono O'odham police officer who now serves as a tribal liaison, said the towers will allow the agency to "see what we've never seen before" and compared it to "turning on a light in a dark room."

    "We all have that same end goal: to protect the nation, its sovereignty and way of life," he said.

    The day the tribe's leaders voted to approve the towers, many Tohono O'odham were attending an annual tribal run across the border. About a dozen people went to the council meeting, some of whom live on the border and spoke in favor of the towers; others spoke against them, including David Garcia, who urged the leaders to reconsider.

    He doesn't believe the Border Patrol will stop at the towers. "It's just a matter of time before other negotiations come into play," Garcia said.

    The towers could be installed as soon as October, Hernandez said. The Border Patrol has a $145 million contract with Elbit Systems of America, the Fort Worth-based subsidiary of an Israeli company that manufacture towers used in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Juan and other tribal activists traveled to Israel two years ago to see the Elbit towers; they heard Palestinians' concerns and still worry about their effect, even though the Border Patrol's study said that "any adverse effects on human health would be negligible."

    Juan said she knows the importance of border security: Her grandfather was a U.S. customs agent shot and killed in 1986 as he attempted to intercept three drug smugglers fleeing across the reservation to Mexico. A decade later, her other grandfather was robbed at night by a smuggler who entered his bedroom and tried to shoot him through his pillow — narrowly missing his head.

    Juan said that now that the towers have been approved, she hopes the Tohono O'odham will mobilize to monitor their impact: whether sacred sites and wildlife are disturbed, what sort of sounds or radiation the towers emit and any changes in nearby residents' health.

    Late last month, she urged community college students on the reservation to help. Speaking to a class in an indigenous borderlands program, she explained where the towers are planned and asked how many of the 20 students have family living on the border. Several raised their hands.

    "The whole border area is going to change," she said.

    As she spoke, across the reservation, tribal leaders were meeting contractors hoping to build roads to the towers.

    "Everything we do to our land has an effect on us. Our sovereignty is being tested," she said. "So we'll go out there and survey the land and keep track of those changes. That's what sovereignty is."

    quarta-feira, 1 de maio de 2019

    To build the wall, or not to build? On the Texas border, residents take sides

    Diana Uribe points to the door of a stone outhouse beside the old Spanish fort at San Ygnacio, Texas, built in 1830. "My great-great-great-great-great-grandfather and his bride lived there," she says. In those days, Mexico was trying to stop US immigration here into Tejas – as Texas was then called – to no avail.

    A slope leads from the street outside down to the slow-rolling Rio Grande, across which you could throw a baseball into the foliage and palms of what is now Tamaulipas, Mexico.

    It's a lazy day in San Ygnacio, population 700: grackles swooping and sun beating down on the empty plaza where Marlon Brando once filmed a scene for Viva Zapata; little else. But through here, according to a "national emergency" Donald Trump has declared, a new border wall must cut.

    Uribe – now 63, a retired teacher – grew up in this village, as did her forebears, watching names change and borders drawn: granted land in New Spain under royal charter from Madrid, then Mexico, then the Texas Republic, then the USA after 1848.

    "This place isn't as sleepy as it looks," says Uribe. "It's on a direct highway, if you know the land – which the smugglers do." Yet even so: "I don't feel unsafe here. The last thing they want is to draw attention to themselves on the border. We just don't need a wall. Do we want security? Yes. Do we want or need a wall? No."

    But even that is not the point. Uribe explains how the man who built this fort, Don Jesús Treviño, had three daughters, one of whom married Blas María Uribe, from the town of Guerrero across the river in Mexico. Diana is of that line, "and I am being told I have to be cut off from my family and people on the other side of a frontier drawn since they arrived.

    "We used to go to Mexico for weddings, dances," she says, "and clubbing in Nuevo Laredo, though my parents didn't know that bit. The wall cuts across all those generations and traditions. And also through the realities of border economics, the complete inter-dependency of twin communities all along the Rio Grande."

    Outside the Treviño-Uribe Rancho, a 19th-century Spanish fort complex in the sleepy Texas border town of San Ygnacio, Texas. Photograph: Bryan Schutmaat/The New York Times/eyevine

    The fort in San Ygnacio had been entered on America's National Register of Historic Buildings in 1973, but was still a ruin when, five years later, the celebrated artist Michael Tracy moved here, incrementally, bought it and undertook its restoration.

    Sitting in his cactus and agave garden, Tracy recalls how the fort was actually built to defend against Comanche Indians "by those trespassing on Native American land. To be honest, though I have done all this to bring a fortress back to former glory, I think you must either identify being inside the wall or outside the wall. I am outside the wall."

    The president's wall "is mythic", says Tracy, "it's meaningless. Yes, there's always the possibility here that someone could come to your door at four in the morning and demand all you have. But will Trump's wall stop them? Of course not – it's a distraction, a perfect way to mobilise his base thousands of miles from the border."

    "It's always been no-man's-land here," says Uribe. "Too far for the Mexicans to control, and Washington didn't want it." Communities along this stretch of river are tired of being pawns in distant games. Residents of the seat of this county, Zapata, and Guerrero over the border, were in 1953 forcibly moved entirely to accommodate flooding for a reservoir under the Falcon dam project.

    Now Trump's wall "is like someone in Minnesota telling us on the tropical river how to do hurricane evacuation", adds Christopher Rincón, CEO of the River Pierce Foundation which nurtures local artists, but for which the Treviño fort restoration has become a raison d'être. "Do you feel unsafe here, like you need a wall between us and the far bank?" asks Rincón. "We don't."

    divider

    Not all in San Ygnacio share these views, least of all one of Tracy's main patrons from Los Corralitos ranch across the highway, Lannie Mecom.

    A fountain at the heart of Houston's museum district bears the Mecom family name, one of Texas's oil dynasties. Lannie's grandfather Harvey bought this ranch in 1913 just after the Mexican Revolution and her brother owned the New Orleans Saints football team. Now Lannie stands on the riverbank, after a morning loading longhorn cattle for sale at market: "That's Mexico," she points, 200 metres away.

    "I'm happy to donate this land to the government to build a wall," pledges Mecom, an energetic 75-year-old. "It's gotten worse and worse over there – we had the Zetas [drug cartel] camp right there over the river, and there was something going on – their cars parked along the highway here, something mighty scary."

    Mecom, too, owns land on which a historic fort is built, "and it was built for a good reason", she half-jokes, "to keep trouble out!"

    Her ranching neighbour, Joe Braman, joins us – a canine unit police officer in Victoria county to the north. "We need a solid wall bad, and I'd give my land for it right now," he says. "There's so many people coming through here – I've caught 284 while training police dogs in the last few months.".

    We settle back at Los Corralitos ranch – complete with airstrip and plans for a game-hunting reserve – to sit below a score or more of deer-head trophies; "most of age, some young", explains Mecom, "the grandchildren get buck-fever, you know, look through the scope and wow!" But also there are Mexican fabrics and colours; Mecom's view is not an echo of the president's, or Braman's.

    "We need to give security to illegal Mexicans who are here already – been here 20 years, they're good workers; our neighbours, and poor. There's a lot of good people getting hurt; my family never asked people coming to work here for papers, and I never will. We need to help them get their papers, pay taxes and contribute to our economy. Yep, help us make money – but also build that wall."

    Down by the river, the vaquero buying Mecom's longhorns, Lalo González – riding with skill in his cowboy hat – isn't so sure.

    "I watch who comes and goes," he says. "The bad guys'll get through whatever you build; it's the honest people that'll get stopped."

    Wall Street Left This Stock for Dead – It's About to Make a 122% Comeback

    Any stock market downturn can be a prime opportunity for savvy investors. That's what Money Morning Chief Investment Strategist Keith Fitz-Gerald has been telling readers for over a decade.

    The same is often true for individual stocks when they get hammered. Even if the price drop is due to valid concerns, the market can overreact and push the price far below its fair value.

    That's the case for our stock to buy today, which has been hit hard this year: It's down 33% over the last 12 months.

    But the company's revenue and earnings are on the rebound. And the market hasn't caught on to how much value it left on the table.

    That's why it just got a top score from our Money Morning Stock VQScore™ system.

    In fact, this pick is the No. 3-rated stock in our whole system.

    Brace Yourself: The 5G revolution is unleashing your next potential TRILLION-DOLLAR opportunity – go here now.

    That's what happens when a company sees its own adversity as an opportunity to streamline operations and focus on new growth opportunities.

    Our pick today has done just that. And the board clearly knows that the stock is undervalued: It just launched a $25 million buyback program in March.

    It won't be long before the rest of the market catches on. So you'll want to get your shares soon.

    Join the conversation. Click here to jump to comments…