segunda-feira, 20 de maio de 2019

Trump’s emergency declaration to build border wall faces first court test

Three months after Congress refused to fully fund President Trump's border wall, the administration's plan to find the money itself, including by declaring a national emergency, faces its first courtroom test on Friday.

U.S. District Judge Haywood Gilliam Jr. in Oakland, Calif., will hear arguments on motions by separate groups of plaintiffs to temporarily block any wall construction on the grounds that Trump's financing methods — transferring funds from Pentagon and Treasury Department programs never meant for such a barrier — are both unconstitutional and illegal.

The hearing is the first of what are expected to be many tests of one of the most controversial decisions made by a U.S. president in modern times: to bypass the normal appropriations process in a quest for $5.7 billion in wall construction money. Trump acted after Congress explicitly rejected his demand and appropriated only $1.375 billion, a decision that led to a 35-day government shutdown in December and January.

The plaintiffs in the Northern District of California include the state of California and 18 other states, among them Maryland and Virginia, along with the Sierra Club and the Southern Border Communities Coalition, which is represented by the American Civil Liberties Union.

To justify a temporary injunction, Gilliam will have to be convinced that the plaintiffs are likely to prevail on the merits after further proceedings and that allowing construction to go forward in the meantime will cause imminent harm.

Whatever Gilliam, who was appointed by President Barack Obama, decides will not end the controversy.

Trump's actions have led to at least seven lawsuits in three different federal courts. One of the cases was brought by the House of Representatives in Washington. In that case, a Trump appointee, U.S. District Judge Trevor McFadden, has scheduled his own hearing on an injunction for May 23.

Whichever side loses is likely to appeal.

The cases are part of a much broader multi-front struggle underway since Trump took office, involving some of the same litigants challenging virtually his entire immigration agenda as well as his efforts to eliminate or delay hundreds of environmental regulations. They've had considerable success in both categories.

In the border-wall case set for Friday, each side has framed the issues and the events leading to them in starkly different terms.

In pre-hearing briefs, the plaintiffs allege, in part, a violation by Trump of Congress's constitutional power of the purse — accomplished, they said, by misusing a host of laws to shift to wall construction money that was intended for other purposes.

Congress "unequivocally rejected the president's requested appropriation for a border wall, only for the president to then order the diversion of federal funds from other sources toward the very project that Congress rejected," the states say.

The states focus heavily on the tumult of February and as proof that Trump made an end-run around Congress, cite his statement that, "if we don't get a fair deal from Congress . . . I will use the powers afforded me" to finance the wall.

"In his own public statements," says the brief of California and other states, Trump "made clear that his emergency declaration was triggered by his inability to secure funding for the border wall from Congress rather than an actual emergency at the border."

Department of Justice lawyers play down the process leading up to Trump's actions and focus on his official proclamations about the "crisis" at the border rather than on his off-the-cuff comments.

"The history of negotiations between the President and Congress . . . is irrelevant," the government argues. The administration has "invoked valid statutes" to accomplish the president's ends, the government's brief says, declaring that there is no constitutional issue.

Had Congress wanted to foreclose on any further spending on the wall, it could have said so explicitly through a rider, such as the Hyde amendment, which bars federal spending on abortion, the government argues.

In the absence of such a prohibition, the government says, Congress's refusal to include all the money Trump demanded for the wall in the Department of Homeland Security appropriation in February still leaves room for the administration to dip into other pots of appropriated funds, notably at the Pentagon, to close the gap.

The Justice Department describes these transfers as military decisions in which the courts should play no role.

"Preventing the construction of border barriers" by the court would "harm the Government's weighty interest in border security and enforcement of the immigration laws," the Justice Department says.

All of the funding sources specified by the administration permit repurposing for certain needs, like "unforeseen" military necessities. Whether wall-building qualifies as one of those needs is the big statutory question in all the cases.

The litigation over the wall has long been billed as a test of the president's dramatic national emergency claim, which has been attacked by critics as manufactured by Trump. But three months after his declaration, the administration has not used the Department of Defense emergency construction authority available for military construction projects that require "the use of the armed forces" and are "necessary to support such use."

The Justice Department is arguing that it's not at issue, at least for the moment. The Sierra Club and the ACLU are nonetheless challenging the legitimacy of the emergency declaration because the administration has identified it as a likely means of obtaining money for the wall. The plaintiffs argue that there is no emergency and no legitimate use of the armed forces for the wall.

The case is complicated further by uncertainty about which money is going where. As late as Monday, the Defense Department was still filing declarations with the court seeking to explain.

The Pentagon has said in documents it will shift some $1.5 billion from programs including a nuclear intercontinental ballistic missile system and a plane that provides surveillance and communications to fighter jets while they are airborne. That's on top of the reprogramming of about $1 billion in Army personnel money and $3.6 billion in military construction projects the Pentagon intends to delay.

But Gilliam has asked for more clarity on the status of funds the government plans to use.

Environmental groups are also arguing that wall construction in certain areas will significantly affect the surrounding environment, disrupting the natural habitats of wildlife and threatening their survival. For those reasons, the government must prepare an environmental-impact statement before commencing construction, they said.

But the government argues that a 1996 law gives it the authority to build border barriers and to waive "all legal requirements" necessary to get the job done.

Dan Lamothe contributed to this story.

quinta-feira, 16 de maio de 2019

We Build the Wall’s Donors Want to See That Groundbreaking

May 11, 2019; Washington Post

Back in January, NPQ reported on a crowdfunding campaign started by Brian Kolfage, a famously wounded veteran, to support the building of a wall on the US-Mexico border. Kolfage's ambitions were bold, if nothing else, and so were his claims. For instance, even though he managed only to raise $20 million against a target of $1 billion, he assured his benefactors he could build the wall on private land for a "fraction of what it costs the government." He also promised, in a February interview with American Family Radio, to break ground for the project in April. (Of course, this followed a promise in January that they'd be breaking ground "within weeks.")

By March 21st, however, Kolfage, speaking to Politico, had revised his timeline. "We should be turning dirt on this thing by May 1, June 1 at the latest, according to our experts," he said, adding that eight sites had been located along the border. Where are they? It's not so clear:

"I wish I could name where it's at, but we can't name it because of the ACLU, these other liberal groups who want to sue us and impede our progress," he said. "But it's actually happening, the process is happening.…the project is moving forward."

Also, there is the issue of cost, in that each mile of wall needed to traverse that 2,000 miles would cost an estimated $2 to $3 million…so, what about the remaining 1,990 miles?

In the same Politico story, the group did name some steps it had taken, including initiating talks with the Israeli firm that built the wall on the Gaza Strip. That was at a press conference held in a small Texas border town where Steve Bannon, former Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach, former Colorado Rep. Tom Tancredo, baseball legend Curt Schilling, and former Sheriff David Clarke were in attendance, with Blackwater founder Erik Prince attending by phone from South Africa.

Some of the donors posting to the group's Facebook page are getting restive, pushing for some kind of forward movement, but the responses remain vague. Last Friday, the group committed firmly to breaking ground "shortly."

BuzzFeed reporter Will Sommer reminds us that none of this should come as a surprise: "Kolfage has a history of participating in questionable endeavors. He was a prolific operator of hoax pages on Facebook, and money he raised in the past to help veterans' programs in hospitals never actually went to those hospitals."

Complicating the effort further is that it's not that easy to find private land right on the border where a wall can be built…Kolfage and We Build the Wall's board of directors have spent plenty of time in Arizona, ostensibly scouting private land to build the wall. But the Phoenix New Times reported in March that the "vast majority" of land on the border in the state is owned by the federal government. Meanwhile, many of the people who actually own land on the border told the New Times that they hadn't been contacted by We Build the Wall.

We find it strange that anyone would believe meaningful progress could be made on this organization's promises to donors, given all of this and a modicum of common sense. However, apparently there are some disappointed donors out there, and it will be interesting to watch how the situation resolves.—Ruth McCambridge

Trump Administration Waives Laws to Build 100 Miles of Border Wall Across Arizona National Monument, Wildlife Refuges

TUCSON, Ariz.— The Trump administration will waive dozens of environmental and public health laws to speed border-wall construction through federally protected sites in Arizona and California.

Today's announcement from the Department of Homeland Security says waivers will be used to build walls through Organ Pipe Cactus National Monument, Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge, San Bernardino National Wildlife Refuge, Coronado National Memorial and numerous designated wilderness areas. The bollard-style barriers will block wildlife migration, damage ecosystems and harm border communities.

"The Trump administration just ignored bedrock environmental and public health laws to plow a disastrous border wall through protected, spectacular wildlands," said Laiken Jordahl, borderlands campaigner at the Center for Biological Diversity. "This senseless wall would rip a scar through the heart of the Sonoran Desert, kill endangered wildlife and cause irreversible damage. We'll do everything in our power to stop this destruction."

The three waivers sweep aside 41 laws that protect clean air, clean water, public lands and endangered wildlife. They cover plans to build more than 100 miles of wall in numerous Arizona locations and in California near El Centro and San Diego.

With these waivers, which take effect Wednesday, the Trump administration will have issued 12 waivers under the REAL ID Act. The waivers come during an open comment period where the public is invited to weigh in with concerns. Comments remain open until July 5.

The Center and allies have sued to challenge Trump's emergency declaration, which would fund this border wall construction. The Center also has sued the administration to challenge border-wall construction in the Rio Grande Valley and near the Santa Teresa Port of Entry in New Mexico. The Center's first border-related lawsuit ― filed in 2017 in U.S. District Court in Tucson with U.S. Rep. Raúl Grijalva ― seeks to require the Trump administration to do a detailed analysis of the environmental impacts of its border-enforcement program. All of these suits are pending.

A 2017 study by the Center identified more than 90 endangered or threatened species that would be threatened by wall construction along the 2,000-mile U.S.-Mexico border.

Beyond jeopardizing wildlife, endangered species and public lands, the U.S.-Mexico border wall is part of a larger strategy of ongoing border militarization that damages human rights, civil liberties, native lands, local businesses and international relations. The border wall impedes the natural migrations of people and wildlife that are essential to healthy diversity.

The waivers cast aside these laws:

quarta-feira, 15 de maio de 2019

Wall Street's Newest Tanker Major Poised To Make Waves

a large crane sitting next to a body of water© Provided by Accretive Capital LLC

The listing of Diamond S Shipping (NYSE: DSSI) in late March marked the largest U.S. stock market debut of a commercial vessel owner in four years. Now, the focus of analysts and investors is on how soon and how quickly Diamond S will pump up its fleet and grow bigger still.

Alibaba Group Holding Limited

The Connecticut-based crude oil and product-tanker owner reported a net loss of $1 million in the first quarter of 2019, compared to a net loss of $13.7 million in the first quarter of 2018.

But investors will have to wait another quarter to get a true snapshot of the 'new' DSSI. All but four days of the first quarter of 2019 results referred to the predecessor private company Diamond S; only at the very end of the period did results reflect the current incarnation, which is a combination of the original fleet and the tanker vessels previously owned by Capital Product Partners (NASDAQ: CPLP).

The recently combined entity boasts a fleet of 68 tankers with a carrying capacity of 5 million deadweight tons (DWT), making it one of the largest tanker players in the U.S. public markets. DWT is a measure of how much weight a ship can carry, not its weight, empty or in any degree of load. DWT is the sum of the weights of cargo, fuel, fresh water, ballast water, provisions, and crew.

On the crude oil tanker side, Diamond S owns 15 vessels in the Suezmax category (120,000-200,000 DWT) and one Aframax (80,000-119,999 DWT); on the product side, it owns 46 MR2s (40,000-54,999 DWT) and six MR1s (25-39,999 DWT).

"It's fantastic to be public again. We've got a team that's excited to grow the business and we think we're in a fantastic place in the [shipping business] cycle."

Craig Stevenson, CEO, Diamond S Shipping

During the company's conference call with analysts on May 14, DSSI chief executive officer Craig Stevenson commented, "We expect to grow the company in a disciplined manner."

Asked by an analyst whether the Diamond S growth plan would favor the Suezmax crude tankers and MR product tankers that already dominate its fleet, or whether the company would broaden in scope and look at classes such as very large crude carriers (300,000 DWT), Stevenson answered, "I don't think we're limited in that sense. We want to do accretive transactions that make sense for all of the shareholders."

Stevenson continued, "I think the most obvious place to look first would be the two existing vessel classes, but we would certainly look at other types of tankers. If it's an accretive transaction, we would absolutely evaluate it."

Asked whether Diamond S is seeking to grow through second-hand acquisitions of ships already on the water, or through newbuildings, he replied, "I always look at newbuildings as the last thing you think about. You look for high-quality younger ships first. Only once you exhaust that do you look at newbuildings."

Stevenson added, "But obviously, if a major customer comes to you and wants you to build a ship and offers you a long-term transaction, that's something different."

"We are also looking at the smaller universe of larger opportunities that entail combinations…with other owners and operators with similar tonnage. "  

Kevin Kilcullen, CFO, Diamond S Shipping

Diamond S chief financial officer Kevin Kilcullen explained two ways the company's capital structure could be used to fund growth.

First, he noted that the balance sheet has low financial leverage, allowing potential for growth funding. "Coming out of the transaction [with CPLP], we have a very healthy balance sheet with a net loan-to-value ratio of 51 percent, so there's substantial equity value in our fleet.

"In terms of how we're looking to grow the company and how we're going to transform the existing asset base, this equity value in our ships is a tremendous source of capital to fund attractive opportunities," he continued. "You could see us take capital out of certain assets and redeploy it into other ones that we think will drive higher returns."

He added, "We are also looking at the smaller universe of larger opportunities that entail combinations on a NAV-to-NAV [net asset value to net asset value] basis with other owners and operators with similar tonnage. That could be a big growth driver for the Diamond S platform moving into the next year."

Kilcullun's second point refers to stock-for-stock deals, or stock-for-ships deals, in which the stock is used as currency and valued in relation to NAV – the value of DSSI's assets minus liabilities. There have been numerous instances over the past two years where U.S.-listed shipping companies have bought fleets owned by private equity groups or other public companies in return for stock.

One of the reasons the investment community expects growth out of Diamond S is its pedigree. It may have just listed on the NYSE, but given the personalities behind it, it's viewed as a big fish coming back into the pond.

As Stevenson put it when he wrapped up the analyst conference call, "It's fantastic to be public again. We've got a team that's excited to grow the business and we think we're in a fantastic place in the [shipping business] cycle."

In his previous public company role, Stevenson was the chief executive officer of tanker owner OMI Corporation. Then NYSE-listed OMI sold out in 2007 – at the height of the previous shipping boom, exactly at the peak and just before the bust – pocketing $2.2 billion from fleet buyers Teekay Corp (NYSE: TK) and TORM.

After that perfectly timed blockbuster deal, Stevenson's right-hand man, ex-OMI president Robert Bugbee, went on to become president of Scorpio Tankers (NYSE: STNG) and Scorpio Bulkers (NYSE: SALT), where he has presided over frenetic expansion plans at both companies. Stevenson started up Diamond S Shipping in 2007, together with private equity group First Reserve.

In 2011, Diamond S bought the product-tanker fleet of South Korea's Cido Tanker Holding Co. That deal brought new investors into the fold, including WL Ross & Co – the private equity group led by Wilbur Ross, now the U.S. Secretary of Commerce – and China Investment Corporation, an entity controlled by the government of China.

This ownership mix eventually led to controversy for Ross after his appointment in the Trump Administration, particularly given that Ross was one of the people negotiating the trade deal with China. At first, he sought to retain his personal Diamond S stake, but ultimately divested it, reportedly to family members.

According to a prospectus filed on May 10, for secondary time-to-time stock sales by certain existing shareholders of DSSI, WL Ross & Co currently owns 24.3 percent of shares outstanding and is not offering any for sale, while the Chinese state-controlled entity owns 6.5 percent and is considering the sale of all of it.

a group of people posing for the camera

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Spain’s New Nationalist Party Wants to Build a Wall to Keep Out Migrants

[unable to retrieve full-text content]The week before he was due to testify, Santiago Abascal told a group of conservatives in Madrid how a crowd of separatists had heckled and pushed him as he was sworn in as a local councilor in Spain's ...

terça-feira, 14 de maio de 2019

How to Get Your Photo on the Carnival Pixels Wall

Photos are essential souvenirs for any cruise vacation, and the snapshots, panoramics, and selfies you take are perfect to share on social media, add to your personal albums, and document all the great cruise memories you've made.

If you want more professional photos, however, you're in luck – cruise ships have a dedicated staff of experienced photographers and onboard photo labs to process and print every memorable moment. Carnival Cruise Line goes one step further, however, and your professional photo could turn you into a vacation celebrity if you make it on The Wall.

What Is the Photo Wall?

The Wall is a fun feature of the Pixels Gallery on every Carnival ship. Pixels is the onboard photo studio and is responsible for all professional photos on board, from embarkation and gangway photos to dining room photos, fun shots on deck, casual backdrops, and formal poses, including the elegant stairway poses and black-and-white photos. There are no sitting fees for any photos and no obligation to purchase any photos you have taken.

The only exception is for private sessions through the Dreams Studio, which include more unique around-the-ship photo locations and more detailed post-processing for the very best results. Dreams Studios sessions have only limited availability and prices vary.

Carnival Cruise Line Pixels Photo Wall

Carnival Cruise Line Pixels Photo Wall

Photo Credit: Melissa Mayntz

The Wall is a fun showcase of Pixels Gallery photos, with 8-12 photos highlighted at once in the "Frame of Fame." Different photo sizes and both landscape and portrait orientations are part of The Wall, and the ship's photographers choose which photos make this exclusive display.

If your photo is showcased on The Wall, you get that photo print for free!

Making the Carnival Pixels Wall

Getting your photo on The Wall is all about fun. While the photographers select which photos make The Wall, you can make your photo stand out for recognition in several ways.

First, simply take a lot of photos. The more you are noticed, the more likely it is that your photo will appear in one of the coveted spots on The Wall. If you don't take any, there is no chance your photo will be selected.

Get into the fun of each pose, using any available props and striking an appropriate pose. The more enthusiasm and enjoyment you show in your photo, the more likely you are to become a cruise celebrity.

Carnival Cruise Line Pixels Photo Wall

Carnival Cruise Line Pixels Photo Wall

Photo Credit: Melissa Mayntz

If you have your own props, such as a sombrero for a Mexican backdrop, Hawaiian shirts on a Hawaiian cruise, or fun souvenirs from your latest shore tour, put them to good use with your photos.

Keep your poses, props, and photo fun family-friendly. Inappropriate photos will not make The Wall, and photos that could be considered grossly offensive may not be printed at all, or the ship's photographers may refuse to take such a photo.

Finally, smile! You're on vacation and having fun, and let that enjoyment show in your smiles. Fun, enthusiastic photos are the ones most likely to make The Wall.

Claiming Your Free Photo

Check The Wall each day to see what new photos have been added. As photos are claimed and more spots open up on The Wall, new photos will be available and you might find yourself cruise-famous.

Carnival Cruise Line Pixels Photo Wall

Carnival Cruise Line Pixels Photo Wall

Photo Credit: Melissa Mayntz

If you do spot your photo on The Wall, rejoice! You can leave the photo on display if you like, or you can claim it right away. Simply ask one of the staff on duty when the Pixels Gallery is open, and let them know you've made The Wall. They will collect your photo and package it in a stiff envelope so it stays in good shape, and it's yours to keep.

There is no charge for any photo of yours that has made The Wall, and you do not need to make any other purchases at the photo gallery before or after your moment in the spotlight.

It is polite if you claim your photo the same day, giving more people the opportunity to have their own chance at the Frame of Fame. While claimed spaces may remain blank until the next round of photos is processed, they will eventually be refilled.

Carnival Cruise Ship Sunset

Carnival Cruise Ship Sunset

Photo Credit: Russell Otway

There is no set schedule for refilling photos on The Wall, nor any minimum requirement for how many photos must be featured on any given cruise. In general, longer cruises with more photo opportunities will likely have more photos featured as earlier shots are claimed.

Also Read: 10 Pictures You Have to Take on a Carnival Cruise

If you know how best to take advantage of every photo opportunity and enjoy every click-worthy moment of your cruise, you just might see yourself on The Carnival Pixels Wall!

segunda-feira, 13 de maio de 2019

A group raised over $20 million to 'build the wall.' Now its supporters want answers

Written by The Washington Post

A December fundraising campaign brought in more than $20 million over the course of a few weeks, its thousands of donors united by a common goal: the construction of a wall along the U.S.-Mexico border, oft-promised by President Donald Trump.

Some four months later, a contingent of those supporters is ready to see what their money has built.

The now-famous border wall GoFundMe was conceived by Purple Heart recipient Brian Kolfage, who wrote at the time he was upset by "too many illegals . . . taking advantage of the United States taxpayers," and the "political games from both parties" when it came to border security. Kolfage, a triple amputee, pressed onward despite falling short of his $1 billion goal - launching a nonprofit to build portions of the wall on private land for a "fraction of what it costs the government."

While the majority of donors continue to believe in Kolfage's efforts, the nonprofit's clandestine operations and assurances of progress are insufficient for others. Some have taken to social media, seeking photos, videos - anything - for evidence they aren't being misled.

"I am very disappointed in you Brian Kolfage, where are the progress photographs?" one woman posted to the We Build The Wall Facebook page.

"Quit talking about it and do it," another commented.

"I've been away for FIVE months," one person tweeted in April. "When's the groundbreaking?"

Reporting on the apparent lack of progress on the private wall, published early Friday by the Daily Beast, drew criticism from Kolfage. The veteran called out the story's author, Will Sommer, who indicated he's repeatedly asked Kolfage for proof they were close to a groundbreaking.

"Omg this is PERFECT timing by the liberal rag news site. They are about to look more stupid than @hillaryclinton on election night 2016!" Kolfage wrote. "I guaranteed we would build the wall . . . and I'll leave it at that!"

Kolfage did not respond to an email and message from The Washington Post requesting comment Friday. While the nonprofit has floated various groundbreaking dates in the past, it's not exactly clear when, or if, construction will begin.

"We should be turning dirt on this thing by May 1, June 1 at the latest, according to our experts," Kolfage told Politico in February. In a March 21 interview with American Family Radio, however, the veteran asserted they were going to "start breaking ground" in April.

In the interview, Kolfage said his nonprofit had identified eight locations to build along the border, but failed to name them, stating that his efforts could be thwarted by liberals if they were revealed.

"I wish I could name where it's at, but we can't name it because of the ACLU, these other liberal groups who want to sue us and impede our progress," he said. "But it's actually happening, the process is happening . . . the project is moving forward."

He continued, "But as soon as we start breaking ground, we'll be putting that information out there to show the American people what they're doing."

Kolfage has previously indicated that We Build The Wall Inc. seeks to develop segments of the wall on private property, which he told The Washington Post in January would cost $2 million to $3 million per mile. His GoFundMe says he's visited the border to scope out potential sites and negotiate with private land owners. Kolfage has also enlisted the help of several high-profile politicians, among them former White House chief strategist Stephen Bannon and Kris Kobach, the former Secretary of State for Kansas, who sit on the group's advisory board.

Back in January, Kobach told The New York Times they'd hopefully be breaking ground "within weeks."

Some critics noted Kolfage was accused of shady behavior in the past, including allegations of misusing funds he raised. NBC and BuzzFeed investigations earlier this year alleged that Kolfage peddled false articles and conspiracy theories with the intent of harvesting reader email addresses. The purported scheme would draw people back to his websites and Facebook pages, generating hundreds of thousands in advertising revenue, Buzzfeed reported.

Facebook removed several of the pages he operated last year, according to NBC, in a purge of pages that were used to "drive traffic to their websites." In response, Kolfage created a new campaign, "Fight4FreeSpeech," which also accepts donations.

BuzzFeed looked into Kolfage's previous crowdfunding efforts, which included an initiative to mentor wounded veterans at military hospitals - among them Walter Reed and Brooke Army Medical Center. He raised thousands for the project, according to BuzzFeed, but spokespersons for the medical facilities told the outlet they have no record of him working at the hospitals or donating money.

Asked about the story in January, Kolfage told The Post that BuzzFeed "100 percent lied" and had fabricated the investigation to slander him. He said the money was raised to cover his travel expenses, and that he only used them for that purpose.

On Friday, many supporters of Kolfage called the Daily Beast story fake news intended to stymie donations. We Build The Wall occasionally replied in agreement, reassuring commenters the wall was on its way.

"This is what we call FAKE NEWS," they wrote in a post. "We didn't stop anything and we are full steam ahead. The wall is being built."

As of Friday night, the group said they'll be breaking ground "shortly."

In a separate comment, one woman indicated she'd heard enough.

"Saying it doesn't get it done," she wrote late Friday. "Do it."